秦四 THE STRATAGEMS OF QIN IV
秦取楚漢中
Qin Takes Hanzhong from Chu
秦取楚漢中，再戰於藍田，大敗楚軍。韓、魏聞楚之困，乃南襲至鄧，楚王引歸。後三國謀攻楚，恐秦之救也，或說薛公：「可發使告楚曰：『今三國之兵且去楚，楚能應而共攻秦，雖藍田豈難得哉！況於楚之故地？』楚疑於秦之未必救己也，而今三國之辭去，則楚之應之也必勸，是楚與三國謀出秦兵矣。秦為知之，必不救也。三國疾攻楚，楚必走秦以急；秦愈不敢出，則是我離秦而攻楚也，兵必有功。」
Qin took Hanzhong[1] from Chu, and then they fought again at Lantian[2]. It was a great defeat for the Chu army. Han and Wei heard of Chu's troubles, and launched raids southwards, reaching Deng[3]. The King of Chu[4] retreated. After this, the Three States[5] planned to attack Chu, but were afraid that Qin would come to its aid. Someone exercised his persuasions on the Duke of Xue[6], saying, "You can send an envoy to report to the King of Chu, saying, 'Now the troops of the Three States are about to leave Chu, you can respond by joining us to attack Qin[7]; Lantian is worth taking whatever the difficulty, and all the more so because it was once Chu's land.' Chu has doubts about whether Qin will really send help; if the Three States put forward this suggestion now[8], Chu will answer their call and encourage them. Under such circumstances, Chu will join the three states in plotting to send troops into Qin. Qin will become aware of this, and refuse to send help to Chu. If the Three States immediately attack Chu; Chu will turn to Qin with even greater urgency, and Qin will be even less inclined to risk moving beyond its borders. In this way, we can keep Qin at a distance while we attack Chu, and our troops will definitely be successful."
薛公曰：「善。」遂發重使之楚，楚之應之果勸。於是三國并力攻楚，楚果告急於秦，秦遂不敢出兵。大臣有功。
The Duke of Xue said, "Very well." Accordingly, he sent high-ranking envoys to Chu, and as a result Chu's answered their call and encouraged them. This having been done, the Three States united their strength and attacked Chu, so Chu sent urgent representations to Qin, which did not dare to dispatch its troops. It was a great victory for him[9].
[1] Hanzhong is still called Hanzhong, and is in Shaanxi. At the time it would have been between Qin and Chu, and seems at one point to have been home to an independent state, Bao.
[2] Lantian was just South of modern Xi'an.
[3] Deng had formerly been a semi-independent state and a vassal of Chu. It was in the area of Yancheng, Henan.
[4] It is not clear which King of Chu is indicated here.
[5] Han, Wei and Qi.
[6] Probably Tian Wen, known as Lord Mengchang. He served most of his career in Qi, but left to work in Wei for some years in response to King Min's poor human resources policy.
[7] The commentaries case doubt upon everything preceding this.
[8] Reading 辭云 for 辭去, per the commentaries.
[9] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
薛公入魏而出齊女
The Duke of Xue Goes to Wei and Wei Expels the Lady of Qi
薛公入魏而出齊女。韓春謂秦王曰：「何不取為妻，以齊、秦劫魏，則上黨，秦之有也。齊、秦合而立負芻，負芻立，其母在秦，則魏，秦之縣也已。呡欲以齊、秦劫魏而困薛公，佐欲定其弟，臣請為王因呡與佐也。魏懼而復之，負芻必以魏歿世事秦。齊女入魏而怨薛公，終以齊奉事王矣。」
The Duke of Xue[1] went to Wei, which expelled the Lady of Qi[2]. Han Chun[3] spoke to the King of Qin[4], saying, "Why not take her for a wife? Then Qi and Qin can threaten Wei, and Shangdang[5] will be Qin's to possess. With a Qi-Qin alliance you could establish Fuchu[6] as Crown Prince. Once he has been set in place, with his mother in Qin, then Wei may as well be one of Qin's counties. Min[7] wants to use Qi and Qin to threaten Wei and encircle the Duke of Xue, and Zuo[9] wants to establish his younger brother as Crown Prince, so I beg permission to take advantage of Min and Zuo on your behalf. If Wei is afraid and takes the Lady of Qi back, then Fuchu will sacrifice Wei to Qin's interests. If the Lady of Qi goes to Wei she will have a grudge against the Duke of Xue, and in the end will ensure that Qi serves Your Majesty's interests."
[1] Lord Mengchang, also known as Tian Wen, was Qi's greatest general at the time. He served most of his career in Qi, but left to work in Wei for some years in response to King Min's poor human resources policy.
[2] The wife of King Zhao of Wei and the mother of Prince Fuchu. She was related to Duke Xue and the rest of the Qi royal family. With his defection, Wei is effectively aligning itself with a different faction within the Tian family.
{3] Han Chun is not otherwise well-known.
[4] King Zhaoxiang of Qin (306–251 BCE) began life as a relatively minor prince, and served as a child hostage in Zhao before being sneaked out by Queen Xuan (his mother), her brother Wei Ran, and King Wuling of Zhao to assume the throne following the premature death of his brother, King Wu. Upon coming of age, he exiled Queen Xuan and Wei Ran, and worked with a succession of important figures of the age (Gan Mao, Fan Ju, Bai Qi...) to expand Qin's territory during the course of a long and successful reign.
[5] Shangdang Commandery was a key strategic location, regularly fought over by Zhao, Wei, Han and Qin.
[6] Fuchu was the son of King Zhao of Wei and the Lady of Qi.
[7] This may be a reference to Han Min (韓珉). He seems to have been a member of the Han royal house, but also worked as a politician in multiple states. At the time of this story, he seems to have been working in Wei.
[8] Zuo was Fuchu's older brother.
三國攻秦入函谷
Three States Attack Qin, Entering through Hangu
三國攻秦，入函谷。秦王謂樓緩曰：「三國之兵深矣，寡人欲割河東而講。」對曰：「割河東，大費也；免於國患，大利也。此父兄之任也。王何不召公子池而問焉？」
Three states[1] attacked Qin, entering through Hangu[2]. The King of Qin[3] spoke to Lou Huan[4], saying, "The troops of three states are deep inside our territory. We wish to offer them Hedong[5] and open negotiations."
Lou Huan replied, "In granting them the domain of Hedong, you would be paying high price, but if you avoid[6] misfortune to the state as a result, then the benefit is also large. This also involves your family; why not summon Prince Ta[7] and ask him about it?"
王召公子池而問焉，對曰：「講亦悔，不講亦悔。」王曰：「何也？」對曰：「王割河東而講，三國雖去，王必曰：『惜矣！三國且去，吾特以三城從之。』此講之悔也。王不講，三國入函谷，咸陽必危，王又曰：『惜矣！吾愛三城而不講。』此又不講之悔也。」王曰：「鈞吾悔也，寧亡三城而悔，無危咸陽而悔也。寡人決講矣。」卒使公子池以三城講於三國，之兵乃退。
King Zhao summoned Prince Ta and asked him about the matter[8]. He replied, "If you negotiate you will regret it. If you do not negotiate you will regret it."
The King said, "Why?"
Prince Ta replied, "If you offer them Hedong to open negotiations, the Three States will leave, and then you will certainly say, 'What a pity. The Three States were probably leaving anyway and we sacrificed three fortified cities to get them on our side.' That will be the regret if we negotiate. If you do not negotiate with the three states when they are within the Hangu Pass, Xianyang[9] will be in danger. You will then say, 'What a pity. My possessiveness over the three cities prevented me from negotiating.' This will be the regret if you do not negotiate."
The King said, "Since I will regret both, I would feel more serene regretting the loss of three towns and not risking the loss of Xianyang. We choose to negotiate." In the end, Prince Ta was sent to offer the three towns as a means to open negotiations with the troops of the Three States[10], which withdrew.
[1] Han, Wei and Qi.
[2] The Hangu Pass, in modern Xin'an County, Henan.
[3] King Zhaoxiang of Qin (306–251 BCE) began life as a relatively minor prince, and served as a child hostage in Zhao before being sneaked out by Queen Xuan (his mother), her brother Wei Ran, and King Wuling of Zhao to assume the throne following the premature death of his brother, King Wu. Upon coming of age, he exiled Queen Xuan and Wei Ran, and worked with a succession of important figures of the age (Gan Mao, Fan Ju, Bai Qi...) to expand Qin's territory during the course of a long and successful reign.
[4] Lou Huan was originally from Zhao, but served as Chancellor of Qin for a time.
[5] Hedong Commandery was near modern Yuncheng in Shanxi.
[6] The commentaries and translations differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence. This version follows modern translations.
[7] Reading 他 for 池 here and throughout, per the commentaries.
[8] Reading 之 for 焉, per the commentaries.
[9] Xianyang was the Qin capital, and is now a suburb of Xi'an.
[10] Reading 三國之兵 for 之兵, per the commentaries.
秦昭王謂左右
King Zhao of Qin Speaks to His Entourage
秦昭王謂左右曰：「今日韓、魏，孰與始強？」對曰：「弗如也。」王曰：「今之如耳、魏齊，孰與孟嘗、芒卯之賢？」對曰：「弗如也。」王曰：「以孟嘗、芒卯之賢，帥強韓、魏之兵以伐秦，猶無奈寡人何也！今以無能之如耳、魏齊，帥弱韓、魏以攻秦，其無奈寡人何，亦明矣！」左右皆曰：「甚然。」
King Zhao of Qin[1] spoke to his entourage, saying, "Now, Han and Wei, are either of them as strong as they were at first?"
They replied, "They are not."
The King said, "Now, of Ru Er[2] or Wei Qi[3], which is as wise as Meng Chang[4] or Mang Mao[5]?"
They replied, "Neither is as wise."
The King said, "When, with the wisdom of Meng Chang and Mang Mao, they led the full strength of the troops of Han and Wei to attack Qin, they were still unable to manage us. Now, with the incompetence of Ru Er and Wei Qi, they are leading a weakened Han and Wei in an attack on Qin. It is even more obvious that they will be unable to manage us."
His entourage all said, "Very true!"[6]
中期推琴對曰：「三之料天下過矣。昔者六晉之時，智氏最強，滅破范、中行，帥韓、魏以圍趙襄子於晉陽。決晉水以灌晉陽，城不沈者三板耳。智伯出行水，韓康子御，魏桓子驂乘。智伯曰：『始，吾不知水之可亡人之國也，乃今知之。汾水利以灌安邑，絳水利以灌平陽。』魏桓子肘韓康子，康子履魏桓子，躡其踵。肘足接於車上，而智氏分矣。身死國亡，為天下笑。今秦之強，不能過智伯；韓、魏雖弱，尚賢在晉陽之下也。此乃方其用肘足時也，願王之勿易也。」
Zhong Qi[6] set aside his zither[7] and said, "Your Majesty's[8] evaluation of All-Under-Heaven is mistaken. In the past, during the age of the Six Jin[9], when the House of Zhi[10] was at its strongest, it wiped out the Houses of Fan[11] and Zhonghang[12], and led the Houses of Han and Wei[13] to surround Zhao Xiangzi[14] in Jinyang[15]. They broke the banks of the Jinshui[16] and flooded Jinyang, so that the water was less than three ban from the top of the city walls. Zhi Bo[17] rode out in his chariot to observe the flood with Han Kangzi[18] driving and Wei Huanzi[19] as his bodyguard. Zhi Bo said, 'At first I did not know that water could wipe out others' states, but now I know. The Fen River[20] could be used to flood Anyi[21], and the Jiang[22] could be used to flood Pingyang[23]...' Wei Huanzi jogged Han Kangzi's elbow, and Kangzi responded to Huanzi by nudging his foot. With that touch[24] in the chariot, the lands of the House of Zhi were divided up. Zhi Bo was killed and his state destroyed, and All-Under-Heaven laughed. Now Qin has grown strong, but it could not surpass Zhi Bo, and Han and Wei may be weak, but they are still more impressive than they were beneath the walls of Jinyang[25]. Now is the time that they will be nudging one another. I hope that Your Majesty will not neglect this."
[1] King Zhaoxiang of Qin (306–251 BCE) began life as a relatively minor prince, and served as a child hostage in Zhao before being sneaked out by Queen Xuan (his mother), her brother Wei Ran, and King Wuling of Zhao to assume the throne following the premature death of his brother, King Wu. Upon coming of age, he exiled Queen Xuan and Wei Ran, and worked with a succession of important figures of the age (Gan Mao, Fan Ju, Bai Qi...) to expand Qin's territory during the course of a long and successful reign.
[2] Ru Er was originally from Wei but worked as a politician in Han.
[3] Wei Qi was a member of the Wei royal house and served as Chancellor there for a time. He enjoyed a running feud with Fan Ju, and was directly responsible for his fleeing to Qin.
[4] Meng Chang was Chancellor of Wei at the time.
[5] Mang Mao served in Zhao, and led a coalition army to a rare and bloody defeat of Bai Qi. He was serving as a politician in Wei at the time.
[6] Zhong Qi seems to have begun his career as a court musician. He is featured in another chapter later on, so it's possible that he made a full-time political career out of this incident. The commentaries are not entirely sure about the correct spelling of his name.
[7] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[8] Reading 王 for 三, per the commentaries.
[9] Prior to the formal partition of Jin, when the country was controlled by six powerful and competing clans, of which only Han, Wei and Zhao retained their position.
[10] The Zhi family, under Zhi Bo, dominated Jin politics before Han, Wei and Zhao combined to bring them down.
[11] The Fan family had supplied Jin with high-ranking civil servants for generations.
[12] The Zhonghang family was another coterie of feudal lords in Jin.
[13] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[14] Zhao Xiangzi was the head of the Zhao family in the last days of Jin. With the Han and Weifamilies, he helped to destroy the houses of Jin, Fan, Zhonghang and Zhi.
[15] Jinyang is now Taiyuan in Shanxi. At the time it was a stronghold belonging to the Zhao family, being defended by Zhao Xiangzi.
[16] The Jinshui flowed into the Fen River.
[17] Zhi Bo was head of the Zhi family and the last Chancellor of Jin before partition.
[18] Han Kangzi was the leader of the Han family (which would later become the state of Han) at the time; an ally of Zhi Bo, he later joined Zhao Xiangzi.
[19] Wei Huanzi was the leader of the Wei family (which would later become the state of Wei) at the time; an ally of Zhi Bo, he later joined Zhao Xiangzi.
[20] The Fen River flows through modern Shanxi.
[21] Anyi is now Yuncheng in Shanxi. At the time it was a stronghold of the Wei family.
[22] I can find no clear information on Jiangshui, which seems to refer to a hot spring in the area.
[23] Pingyang is now Linfen in Shanxi. At the time it was a stronghold of the Han family.
[24] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[25] Reading 其在 for 在, per the commentaries. "
楚魏戰於陘山
Chu and Wei Fight at Mount Xing
楚、魏戰於陘山。魏許秦以上洛，以絕秦於楚。魏戰勝，楚敗於南陽。秦責賂於魏，魏不與。營淺謂秦王曰：「王何不謂楚王曰，魏許寡人以地，今戰勝，魏王倍寡人也。王何不與寡人遇。魏畏秦、楚之合，必與秦地矣。是魏勝楚而亡地於秦也；是王以魏地德寡人，秦之楚者多資矣。魏弱，若不出地，則王攻其南，寡人絕其西，魏必危。」秦王曰：「善。」以是告楚。楚王揚言與秦遇，魏王聞之恐，效上洛於秦。
Chu and Wei fought at Mount Xing[1]. Wei promised Qin Upper Luo[2], as a way to sever the relationship between Qin and Chu. Wei fought and won, and Chu was defeated in Nanyang[3]. Qin requested its bribe from Wei, but Wei did not hand it over. Ying Qian[4], spoke to the King of Qin[5], saying, "Why does Your Majesty not speak to the King of Chu[6], and say, 'Wei promised us land. Now they have fought and won, the King of Wei[7] has double crossed the people of Qin. Why not join with us over this? Wei is afraid of an accord between Qin and Chu, and will certainly offer Qin land as a result. Thus, Wei defeated Chu, but it will lose its land to Qin. This being so, the land that Your Majesty has given to Wei[8] will be offered in tribute to Qin, and Qin will transfer its various resources to Chu. Wei is weak[9]. If it does not hand over its land, then you can attack it in the South. We will cut off its western territories[10], and Wei will be in peril.'"
The King of Qin said, "Very well." He had the same message transmitted to Chu, and the King of Chu spoke openly about his intention to meet with Qin. The King of Wei heard and was afraid, so he handed over Upper Luo to Qin.
[1] Xingshan, or Mount Xing, is in Henan.
[2] This was the northern part of Hongnong Commandery, in modern Shaanxi.
[3] Nanyang is still called Nanyang, and is in Henan.
[4] Ying Qian may actually have been called Guan Qian (管淺). He was a politician in Qin.
[5] Yao suggests that this was King Zhaoxiang, but based on the dates it appears to be a reference to King Huiwen of Qin (338–311 BCE) began his reign by killing Shang Yang, but maintained his legal and military reforms, using his strengthened state to acquire large tracts of additional land.
[6] King Huai of Chu (328-299 BCE) was known for having been the object of various poetic complaints by Qu Yuan. He was captured by Qin in 299 BCE and his son King Qingxiang took the throne. He made one attempt to escape, but was recaptured and died in 296 BCE.
[7] King Xiang of Wei (318-296 BCE) he spent his entire reign switching between anti-Qin and anti-Chu alliances in an attempt to preserve his territory against larger neighbours.
[8] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[9] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[10] The commentaries suggest 攻 as a possible alternative for 絕 here, in which case the sentence would read "we will attack in the West".
楚使者景鯉在秦
Jing Li Spends Time in Qin as Chu's Envoy
楚使者景鯉在秦，從秦王與魏王遇於境。楚怒秦合，周最為楚王曰：「魏請無與楚遇而合於秦，是以鯉與之遇也。弊邑之於與遇善之，故齊不合也。」楚王因不罪景鯉而德周、秦。
Jing Li[1], Chu's envoy to Qin, was part of the King of Qin's[2] entourage when he went to meet the King of Wei[3]. Chu was indignant about Qin's proposed accord[4]. Zhou Zui[5] spoke to the King of Chu[6] on Qin's behalf, saying: "Wei has requested that we do not meet with Chu and wishes to make an accord with with us[7]. That is why Li joined the meeting. Our humble state has good intentions in going into this meeting; it lets us avoid making an accord with Qi[8]." The King of Chu did not charge Jing Li with betrayal and paid his respects to Zhou and Qin.
[1] Jing Li seems to have engaged in Zhang Yi-style fraudulent land transactions on Chu's behalf.
[2] It is not entirely clear which king is indicated here.
[3] It is not entirely clear which king is indicated here.
[4] And hence suspicious that Jing Li had either been slacking or had switched sides.
[5] Zhou Zui featured heavily in the Zhou chapters. There appears to be a part missing from this sentence. I am following modern Chinese translations in interpreting it this way. Otherwise the interactions between the states make no sense.
[6] It is not entirely clear which king is indicated here.
[7] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[8] There are multiple possible interpretations for this final sentence. We have chosen this one on the basis that Chu would have found an alliance between Qin and Qi even more threatening than an alliance between Qin and Wei.
楚王使景鯉如秦
The King of Chu Sends Jing Li as an Envoy to Qin
楚王使景鯉如秦。客謂秦王曰：「景鯉，楚王使景所甚愛，王不如留之以市地。楚王聽，則不用兵而得地；楚王不聽，則殺景鯉，更不與不如景鯉留，是便計也。」秦王乃留景鯉。
The King of Chu[1] sent Jing Li[2] as an envoy to Qin. A guest spoke to the King of Qin[3], "Jing Li[4] is someone to whom the King of Chu is extremely partial. Why does Your Majesty not hold him here, and use him to bargain for land? If the King of Chu listens then we will have obtained some land without using our troops; if he does not listen, then we can kill Jing Li and whoever replaces him will not[5] be his equal[6]. This would be convenient for your plans." Accordingly the King of Qin detained Jing Li.
景鯉使人說秦王曰：「臣見王之權輕天下，而地不可得也。臣之來使也，聞齊、魏皆且割地以事秦。所以然者，以秦與楚為昆弟國。今大王留臣，是示天下無楚也，齊、魏有何重於孤國也。楚知秦之孤，不與地，而外結交諸侯以圖，則社稷必危，不如出臣。」秦王乃出之。
Jing Li sent someone to persuade the King of Qin, saying, "Your servant can see that your power will be regarded with contempt by All-Under-Heaven[7], and you will not be able to take any land. When I came here to serve as an envoy, I heard that Qi and Wei were both ceding land to serve Qin's interests. If they adopted this approach, it was because Chu considered Qin as a younger brother. If Your Majesty now detains me, this will show All-Under-Heaven you do not have Chu on your side. How then will Qi and Wei attach any importance to such an isolated state[8]? Chu will realise that Qin is now alone, and will not hand over any land, while also strengthening its relations with the sovereign lords[9] abroad in order to plot with them, thus your spirits of earth and grain will be at risk[10]. It would be better to let your servant leave." Consequently the King of Qin let him leave.
[1] The commentaries suggest that this was King Qingxiang, but modern translations give it as King Huai.
[2] Jing Li seems to have engaged in Zhang Yi-style fraudulent land transactions on Chu's behalf.
[3] It is not clear which king is indicated here.
[4] According to the commentaries the characters 使景 here are superfluous.
[5] According to the commentaries 不 here is superfluous.
[6] Reading 者 for 留, per the commentaries.
[7] This follows the interpretation of the commentaries and modern Chinese translations. It could also be read as "Your servant can see that Your Majesty's power is such that you can regard All-Under-Heaven with contempt."
[7] Reading 又 for 有, per the commentaries.
[8] Some of the commentaries suggest that 諸侯 here is superfluous.
秦王欲見頓弱
The King of Qin Requests an AUDience With Dun Ruo
秦王欲見頓弱，頓弱曰：「臣之義不參拜，王能使臣無拜，即可矣。不，即不見也。」秦王許之。於是頓子曰：「天下有其實而無其名者，有無其實而有其名者，有無其名又無其實者。王知之乎？」王曰：「弗知。」頓子曰：「有其實而無其名者，商人是也。無把銚推耨之勢，而有積粟之實，此有其實而無其名者也。無其實而有其名者，農夫是也。解凍而耕，暴背而耨，無積粟之實，此無其實而有其名者也。無其名又無其實者，王乃是也。已立為萬乘，無孝之名；以千里養，無孝之實。」秦王悖然而怒。
The King of Qin[1] requested an audience with Dun Ruo[2]. Dun Ruo said, "My principles forbid me from bowing. If Your Majesty can permit his servant to refrain from bowing, then I can come[3]. If not, then there will be no audience." The King of Qin allowed it. As a result, Master Dun said to him, "In All-Under-Heaven there are those whose reputation does not match their wealth, those whose wealth does not match their reputation, and those who have no reputation and no wealth[4]. Did you know this?"
The King said, "I did not."
Master Dun said, "Those who have wealth but no reputation are the merchants. Without the work[5] of ploughing or hoeing the fields, they achieve a surplus. Thus they have wealth but no good reputation. Those who have no wealth but a good reputation are the farmers. From the moment the snow thaws they begin ploughing, breaking their backs over the hoe but accumulating no surplus for themselves. Thus they have no wealth but a good reputation. He who has neither reputation nor wealth, is Your Majesty alone. Though you have built a state of ten thousand chariots, you are known instead for your unfilial acts[6]. Though you have cultivated a thousand li of land, your wealth is that of an unfilial son." The King denied this indignantly.
頓弱曰：「山東戰國有六，威不掩於山東，而掩於母，臣竊為大王不取也。」秦王曰：「山東之建國可兼與？」頓子曰：「韓，天下之咽喉；魏，天下之胸腹。王資臣萬金而遊，聽之韓、魏，入其社稷之臣於秦，即韓、魏從。韓、魏從，而天下可圖也。」秦王曰：「寡人之國貧，恐不能給也。」頓子曰：「天下未嘗無事也，非從即橫也。橫成，則秦帝；從成，即楚王。秦帝，即以天下恭養；楚王，即王雖有萬金，弗得私也。」秦王曰：「善。」乃資萬金，使東遊韓、魏，入其將相。北遊於燕、趙，而殺李牧。齊王入朝，四國必從，頓子之說也。
Dun Ruo said, "East of the mountains are six warring states. For all your power you cannot repress the states east of the mountains, though you repress your mother. Your servant humbly suggests that this is not appropriate behaviour for Your Majesty."
The King of Qin said, "These warring states[7] east of the mountains, can they be annexed?"
Master Dun said, "Han is the throat of All-Under-Heaven, Wei is its stomach. If you provide me with ten thousand gold pieces I will go travelling to obtain the ear of Han and Wei, and ensure that their spirits of earth and grain come and serve Qin. Then Han and Wei will fall in line[8], and you can make plans to take All-Under-Heaven."
The King of Qin said, "Ours is a poor state. We fear it will not be possible to give you the money."
Master Dun said, "All-Under-Heaven has never experienced a time without conflicts, without a Horizontal or a Vertical Alliance. If the Horizontal Alliance succeeds, imperium will go to Qin. If the Vertical Alliance succeeds, then it will go to the King of Chu[9]. If Qin attains imperium, it will be able to supply itself from the resources of All-Under-Heaven. If the King of Chu does so, then even if you still have your ten thousand gold pieces, they will bring you no advantage."
The King of Qin said, "Very well." Accordingly, the ten thousand gold pieces were handed over, and Dun Ruo was ordered to travel eastwards to Han and Wei and bring back their generals and Chancellors. In the North he traveled[10] to Yan and Zhao, and had Li Mu[11] killed. If the King of Qi[12] visited the court of Qin, and the four states[13] finally[14] fell into line, it was down to Master Dun's persuasions.
[1] King Zheng of Qin (247-210 BCE) would later conquer the other states and rule the empire under the name of Qin Shihuang.
[2] Dun Ruo was a politician from Qin.
[3] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[4] The commentaries differ regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[5] Reading 勞 for 勢, per the commentaries.
[6] Like King Wu, King Zheng had to do some house-cleaning before he could take power, getting rid of the various factions that had come to dominate the court before he came of age, including one led by his mother, Queen Dowager Zhao, and her lover Lao Ai. The Queen Dowager was placed under house arrest and Lao Ai killed along with his children by her.
[7] Reading 戰 for 建, per the commentaries.
[8] According to the commentaries, the second 韓、魏從 is superfluous.
[9] Probably King You of Chu (237–228 BCE). He suffered significant attacks by Qin, Zhao and Wei.
[10] According to the commentaries 於 here is superfluous.
[11] Li Mu was a Zhao general who had previously won victories over Qin. To facilitate its conquest, Qin had its agents start rumours about his loyalty in Zhao, and he was either executed or forced to commit suicide.
[12] King Jian of Qi (264–221 BCE) was the final King of Qi, the last state to be conquered. His advisors were bribed by Qin into convincing him to travel to Xianyang to offer his surrender. The Qin authorities sent him into internal exile where he starved to death.
[13] The commentaries give these as either Han, Wei, Yan and Zhao or Qi, Wei, Yan and Zhao.
[14] Reading 畢 for 必, per the commentaries.
頃襄王二十年
In the Twentieth Year of King Qingxiang's Reign
頃襄王二十年，秦白起拔楚西陵，或拔鄢、郢、夷陵，燒先王之墓。王徙東北，保于陳城，楚遂削弱，為秦所輕。於是白起又將兵來伐。
In the twentieth year of King Qingxiang's[1] reign, Bai Qi[2] of Qin destroyed Xiling[3] in Chu. Another army destroyed Yan[4], Ying[5] and Yiling[6], and burnt the tombs of the former kings. The King fled to the Northeast for the protection of the fortified city of Chen[7]. Chu became so worn-down and weak that Qin was able to treat it with contempt. Given the circumstances, Bai Qi mustered his troops and pressed his attack.
楚人有黃歇者，游學博聞，襄王以為辯，故使於秦。說昭王曰：「天下莫強於秦、楚，今聞大王欲伐楚，此猶兩虎相鬥而駑犬受其弊，不如善楚。臣請言其說。臣聞之：『物至而反，冬夏是也。致至而危，累碁是也。』今大國之地半天下，有二垂，此從生民以來，萬乘之地未嘗有也。先帝文王、莊王，王之身，三世而不接地於齊，以絕從親之要。今王三使盛橋守事於韓，成橋以北入燕。是王不用甲，不伸威，而出百里之地，王可謂能矣。王又舉甲兵而攻魏，杜大梁之門，舉河內，拔燕、酸棗、虛、桃人，楚、燕之兵云翔不敢校，王之功亦多矣。王申息眾二年，然後復之，又取蒲、衍、首垣，以臨仁、平兵，小黃、濟陽嬰城，而魏氏服矣。王又割濮、磨之北屬之燕，斷齊、秦之要，絕楚、魏之脊。天下五合、六聚而不敢救也，王之威亦憚矣。王若能持功守威，省攻伐之心而肥仁義之誡，使無復後患，三王不足四，五伯不足六也。
Among the people of Chu was one Huang Xie[8], a traveling scholar of broad learning. King Xiang[9] recognised his rhetorical skills, and therefore sent him as an envoy to Qin. He exercised his persuasions on King Zhao[10], saying, "Within All-Under-Heaven no-one is as strong as Qin and Chu. Now I have heard that Your Majesty wishes to attack Chu. This would be like two tigers fighting to a point at which any old mongrel can take advantage of their exhaustion. It would be better to treat Chu with kindness. Please allow your servant to elaborate. I have heard that[11] 'Things attain their zenith and retreat; this is what winter and summer do. When things attain their fullest extent is when the risk is greatest, like stacking chess pieces.' Now your great state's lands make up half of All-Under-Heaven, on two sides you define your own borders[12], from the birth of humanity down to today, this is something that no other state of ten thousand chariots has possessed. From the former sovereign King Wen[13], through King Zhuang[14], down to Your Majesty, three generations have not been able to join Qin's lands up with those of Qi, and thereby break up the Vertical Alliance. Now you have sent Chengjiao[15] into Han to protect your interests, and Yan has given signs of submission[16]. If, without troops being deployed or a display of force, you were able to make them hand over a hundred li of land, it is because Your Majesty is what is called a capable individual. When you raised troops and attacked Wei, blocking[17] the gates of Daliang[18] and and unifying the lands on this side of the Yellow River, seizing Suanzao[19] in Yan, and emptying Tao[20] of its population, the troops of Chu and Wei[21] hovered nearby[22] but did not dare to act. Your Majesty's achievements were many. You rested your men-at-arms[23] and your population for two years[24], and then returned to the fray, taking Pu[25], Yan[26] and Shouyuan[27], moving against Ren[28], Pingqiu[29], Xiaohuang[30] and Jiyang[31] and surrounding[32] them so that the House of Wei submitted. Then you ceded Pu[33] and Mo[34], making them the property of Yan in the North, cutting the lands between Qi and Chu in half and breaking the backbone of Chu and Wei[35]. Even if five of the six states of All-Under-Heaven had formed an accord, they would still not have dared provide assistance, shrinking from Your Majesty's power[36]. If you can cease your attacks and preserve your prestige[37], curb your fighting spirit and be prodigal in your promotion of benevolent good conduct, this will ensure that disaster will never return. Three Sovereigns[38] will become four, and Five Emperors[39] will become six.
「王若負人徒之眾，材兵甲之強，壹毀魏氏之威，而欲以力臣天下之主，臣恐有後患。詩云：『靡不有初，鮮克有終。』易曰：『狐濡其尾。』此言始之易，終之難也。何以知其然也？智氏見伐趙之利，而不知榆次之禍也；吳見伐齊之便，而不知干隧之敗也。此二國者，非無大功也，設利於前，而易患於後也。吳之信越也，從而伐齊，既勝齊人於艾陵，還為越王禽於三江之浦。智氏信韓、魏，從而伐趙，攻晉陽之城，勝有日矣，韓、魏反之，殺智伯瑤於鑿臺之上。今王妒楚之不毀也，而忘毀楚之強魏也。臣為大王慮而不取。詩云：『大武遠宅不涉。』從此觀之，楚國，援也；鄰國，敵也。詩云：『他人有心，予忖度之。躍躍毚兔，遇犬獲之。』今王中道而信韓、魏之善王也，此正吳信越也。臣聞，敵不可易，時不可失。臣恐韓、魏之卑辭慮患，而實欺大國也。此何也？王既無重世之德於韓、魏，而有累世之怨矣。韓、魏父子兄弟接踵而死於秦者，百世矣。本國殘，社稷壞，宗廟隳，刳腹折頤，首身分離，暴骨草澤，頭顱僵仆，相望於境；父子老弱係虜，相隨於路；鬼神狐祥無所食，百姓不聊生，族類離散，流亡為臣妾，滿海內矣。韓、魏之不亡，秦社稷之憂也。今王之攻楚，不亦失乎！是王攻楚之日，則惡出兵？王將藉路於仇讎之韓、魏乎！兵出之日而王憂其不反也，是王以兵資於仇讎之韓、魏。王若不藉路於仇讎之韓、魏，必攻陽、右壤。隨陽、右壤，此皆廣川大水，山林谿谷不食之地，王雖有之，不為得地。是王有毀楚之名，無得地之實也。
If you rely on the multitudes that follow you and the strength of your men-at-arms[40], riding high upon your degradation of the power of the House of Wei[41], wishing to use force to make servants of the sovereigns of All-Under-Heaven, then your servant is afraid that trouble will follow. The Book of Poetry says 'Every enterprise begins well, but few end so.'[43] The Book of Changes says, 'The fox gets its tail wet when it has nearly crossed the stream.'[44] They mean that starting things is easy, but finishing them is difficult. How do we know the truth of this? The House of Zhi[45] saw profit in attacking Zhao, but did not anticipate their misstep at Yuci[46]. Wu saw the convenience of attacking Qi, but did not anticipate its defeat at Gansui[47]. In the case of these two states, it was not that they did not achieve great victories; they were carried away[48] by early gains, and thus drifted into trouble later on. Wu trusted Yue, joining its attack on Qi. Having secured victory[49] over the partisans of Qi at Ailing[50], they turned for home and were trapped by the King of Yue on the banks where the Three Rivers[51] meet. The House of Zhi trusted Han and Wei, joining their attack on Zhao and striking the city of Jinyang[52]. They had one day to enjoy their victory before Han and Wei turned upon them, killing Zhi Boyao at the top of the Zao Tower[53]. Now you resent Chu's continued existence, but you forget that destroying Chu will strengthen Han and Wei[54]. I have considered Your Majesty's situation, and it is untenable. The Book of Poetry says, "A great army does not travel far from home."[55] From this perspective, it is the state of Chu that should be aided; and your neighbours who should be your opponents. The Book of Poetry also says, 'What lies in others' hearts, I have my ways of guessing. The cunning hare may jump hither and thither, until he encounters the hunting dog.'[56] Now Your Majesty is halfway down the path you have to go, and you trusting in Han and Wei's good offices would be like Wu trusting Yue. Your servant has heard that enemies should not be treated lightly, and time should not be wasted. I am afraid that Han and Wei's humble speeches are the product of brooding on their misfortunes, and in fact they will deceive Your Majesty. How do I know this?[57] You lack the influence earned by generations of tribute paid to Han and Wei, while they have a grudge born of generations of fear[58]. Fathers, sons and brothers in Han and Wei have followed upon each other's heels to die at Qin's hands for generations[59]. Their states have been despoiled, their altars of earth and grain destroyed and their ancestral tombs desecrated; they have been eviscerated and beheaded, their corpses abandoned, their bones exposed in the grasslands and marshes, and their skulls left where they fell, gazing at one another across the borders. Fathers and sons, the old and the weak, have been taken captive, chain gangs following one another on the roads. The land is full of ghosts and gods, fox spirits and omens, and there is no one to offer them sacrifices. The hundred clans have no livelihoods upon which to depend, and families have scattered, drifting into slavery and dispersing throughout the lands within the seas. But Han and Wei are not yet extinct, to the chagrin of Qin's spirits of earth and grain. If you now attack Chu, will you not fail? On[60] the day you attack Chu, how will you dispatch your troops? Will you borrow a route through the territories of your enemies Han and Wei? From the day you dispatch your troops you will be anxious that they will not return, in which case your soldiers will become a resource for your enemies in Han and Wei. If you do not borrow a route through the territories of your enemies in Han and Wei[61], then you must attack via the lands to the right[62] of Suiyang[63]. In the lands to the right of Suiyang the river is wide and fast, and the forests, mountains, streams and valleys are all unsuited for producing food. If you are going to take possession of it, it will not be for the sake of obtaining the land. Under the circumstances, you will be destroying Chu's reputation for no practical territorial gains.
「且王攻楚之日，四國必應悉起應王。秦、楚之構而不離，魏氏將出兵而攻留、方與、銍、胡陵、碭、蕭、相，故宋必盡。齊人南面，泗北必舉。此皆平原四達，膏腴之地也，而王使之獨攻。王破楚於以肥韓、魏於中國而勁齊，韓、魏之強足以校於秦矣。齊南以泗為境，東負海，北倚河，而無後患，天下之國，莫強於齊。齊、魏得地葆利，而詳事下吏，一年之後，為帝若未能，於以禁王之為帝有餘。夫以王壤土之博，人徒之眾，兵革之強，一舉眾而注地於楚，詘令韓、魏，歸帝重於齊，是王失計也。
Moreover, the day you attack Chu, four states[64] will all rise against you together[65] in response. If the troops of Qin and Chu[66] are tied up with one another and cannot extricate themselves, the House of Wei will dispatch soldiers and attack Liu[67], Fangyu[68], Zhi[69], Huling[70], Dang[71], Xiao[72] and Xiang[73], thus absorbing all of Song. The people of Qi will look southwards, and will certainly incorporate the lands North of the Si River[74] within those of their own state. These plains stretch out in all four directions, being rich and fertile land, and you will permit anyone to attack them unaided. If you break Chu, you will be offering them up to[75] fatten Han and Wei among the central states, while also reinforcing Qi. Han and Wei will then be strong enough to compare with Qin. To the South, the Si River will serve as Qi's border, to the East it has its back to the sea, to the North it can rely on the Yellow River, and thus it will never again be troubled. Among the states of All-Under-Heaven, none will be as strong as Qi. Qi and Wei will gain land and hold tight to their profits, ensuring that it is carefully managed under their officials' control[76]. If, after one year they are not yet able to claim the title of Emperor, they will more than capable of preventing you from claiming it. You have vast lands, hordes of subjects behind you, and strong troops, but at a single stroke[77] they will go to Chu. You will push Han and Wei to confer imperial honours upon Qi. This being so, your strategy will fail.
「臣為王慮，莫若善楚。秦、楚合而為一，臨以韓，韓必授首。王襟以山東之險，帶以河曲之利，韓必為關中之候。若是，王以十成鄭，梁氏寒心，許、鄢陵嬰城，上蔡、召陵不往來也。如此，而魏亦關內候矣。王一善楚，而關內二萬乘之主注地於齊，齊之右壤可拱手而取也。
Your servant has considered this on your behalf, and nothing would be better than to seek favour with Chu. If Qin and Chu form an accord and act as one, you can move against Han[78], and Han will certainly bow its head[79]. Your coat will be the border formed by the eastern mountains[80], and for your belt you can use the bend in the Yellow River[81]. Han will have to serve as your watchman among the sovereign lords[82]. If this happens, you can station a hundred thousand[83] guards in Zheng and freeze the heart of the House of Liang[84]. Xu[85] and Yanling[86] will fortify their walls and there will be no coming or going from Shangcai[87] or Shaoling[88]. In this way, Wei too will become your watchman. When you unite with Chu in good will, then within the Pass[89] there will be two lords of ten thousand chariots, which will then flow into Qi's lands[90]. The land on Qi's right flank can be taken without lifting a finger.
是王之地一任兩海，要絕天下也。是燕、趙無齊、楚，無燕、趙也。然後危動燕、趙，持齊、楚，此四國者，不待痛而服矣。」
This done, Your Majesty's lands will stretch to the Eastern Sea[91], cutting through the centre of All-Under-Heaven. Then Yan and Zhao will be without Qi and Chu will be without Yan and Zhao[92]. After that, you can threaten Yan and Zhao with extinction while keeping your hold on Qi and Chu. The four states, rather than waiting for a sudden attack, will submit to you."
[1] This seems to be a clear reference to King Qingxiang of Chu (298–263 BCE), however, later information provided seems to imply that the events are taking place under the reign of King Zheng of Qin (247 – 210 BCE), in which case it must be a later King of Chu referenced here.
[2] Bai Qi was one of Qin's greatest generals.
[3] There are a variety of places with this name, and I am not sure which - if any - was intended. The name implies royal tombs.
[4] Yan was a former capital of Chu is now Yanling in Henan.
[5] Ying was a former capital of Chu, and is now Xichuan, Henan.
[6] Yiling is now a part of the city of Yichang, in Hubei.
[7] Chen had formerly been a state North of Cai. Under attack by Wu, it appealed for help to Chu. Chu provided assistance and then annexed Chen. It then became a Chu stronghold.
[8] Huang Xie served as Chancellor of Chu for many years. He was finally assassinated at the funeral of King Kaolie in 238 BCE.
[9] I.e. King Qingxiang.
[10] This seems to refer to King Zhaoxiang of Qin (306–251 BCE), but the commentaries suggest that it may be a reference to King Zheng of Qin.
[11] The commentaries disagree regarding the authenticity of the opening sentences.
[12] I.e. in the North and West, where Qin bordered a variety of small, non-Huaxia states and tribes. Actually Qin had constant problems from non-Chinese neighbours in both directions.
[12] The commentaries disagree on whether this is a reference to King Wen of Zhou (1112–1050 BCE) or King Huiwen of Qin (338–311 BCE).
[13] This appears to be a reference to King Zhuangxiang of Qin (250–247 BCE), however, he ruled after King Zhaoxiang, so if the earlier statement is correct the reference to Zhaoxiang above is probably an error for King Zheng. However, some commentaries suggest reading 武 for 莊, in which case this is a reference to
[14] This could be a reference to King Wu of Zhou (1046–1043 BCE) or King Wu of Qin (310–307 BCE).
[15] Reading 成 for 盛, per the commentaries. Zhao Chengjiao was a son of King Zhaoxiang, and a younger brother of King Zheng, who was given lands in Han, before being sent to attack Zhao. He rebelled against Qin and was defeated and executed. However, he was born in 256, while Bai Qi died in 257, and King Qingxiang in 263. As before, the commentaries disagree regarding the interpretation of this name.
[16] The commentaries disagree regarding the interpretation of this phrase. It seems that Yan either offered land or sent a high-level diplomatic mission to Qin.
[17] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[18] Daliang was the capital of Wei; it is now the city of Kaifeng in Henan.
[19] It is not clear where this was.
[20] It is not clear where this was. It may also be a reference to two places, called Xu (虛) and Taoren (桃人). The commentaries disagree.
[21] Reading 魏 for 燕, per the commentaries.
[22] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[23] Reading 休甲 for 申, per the commentaries.
[24] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[25] This may refer to Pugu, a former feudal state, in Shandong.
[26] Yan may have been a separate place, or Puyan may have been a single city. It is not clear.
[27] Shouyuan probably refers to a place not far from Changyuan in Henan.
[28] It is not clear where this was. It may actually refer to a place called Linren.
[29] Reading 丘 for 兵, per the commentaries. It is not clear where this was.
[30] Xiaohuang was Northeast of modern Kaifeng.
[31] Jiyang is still called Jiyang, and is in Shandong.
[32] Reading 縈 for 嬰, per the commentaries.
[33] There were multiple places with this name, and it is not clear which is being referenced here.
[34] It is not clear where this was.
[35] I.e. Qin controlled a band of territory running through the centre if China, via which it could prevent its enemies in the North and South from coordinating against it.
[36] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[37] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[38] The Three Sovereigns were semi-legendary early rulers of China. The precise list of individuals varies according to the source.
[39] The Five Emperors likewise.
[40] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[42] Reading 乘 for 壹, following the Shiji version.
[43] This is indeed a passage from the Book of Poetry.
[44] The full version we have today says 小狐汔濟，濡其尾. It was not unusual to shorten familiar quotations. The idea is that it is when a task seems nearly completed that one becomes careless and makes mistakes.
[45] The Zhi clan was one of the families that divided up the state of Jin. It was led by Zhi Boyao. He led the attacks on the Jin family, but eventually turned on his allies and was wiped out by three of the others: Han, Wei and Zhao.
[46] According to the commentaries 也 here is superfluous. Yuci is now Jinzhong in Shanxi. Zhi Bo, the leader of the Zhi family, was killed and buried there.
[47] According to the commentaries 也 here is superfluous. Gansui is now in the suburbs of Suzhou, in Jiangsu.
[48] Reading 沒 for 設, per the commentaries.
[49] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[50] Ailing is now Laiwu in Shandong.
[51] The Yellow, Yi and Luo Rivers met in Henan Commandery.
[52] Jinyang is now Taiyuan in Shanxi.
[53] This seems to have been Southwest of Jinzhong in Shanxi.
[54] Reading 韓 、 魏 for 魏, per the commentaries.
[55] This sentence does not appear in the current standard version of the Book of Poetry. I am following modern translations in this interpretation.
[46] This line is in the present version of the Book of Poetry.
[57] The commentaries suggest that this question may be an interpolation.
[58] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[59] The commentaries disagree on how this should be read. It may be "hence the fear", "for a hundred generations", "for ten generations", or something else entirely.
[60] Reading 且 for 是, per the commentaries.
[61] The characters 王若不藉路於仇讎之韓、魏 here may be superfluous.
[62] I.e. to the West. Following the traditional layout of a Chinese royal court, the King will have been sitting facing South to listen to this speech.
[63] Reading 隨陽 for 陽. The same place name is also given as 随水 elsewhere. It seems to refer to modern Suizhou in Hubei, where the Yangtze and Huai Rivers meet.
[64] Han, Qi, Wei and Zhao.
[65] Reading 必 for 必應, per the commentaries.
[66] Reading 之兵 for 之, per the commentaries.
[67] Liu was on the bank of Lake Weishan.
[68] Fangyu is now Yutai in Shandong.
[69] Zhi was in Suixi County, in Anhui.
[70] Huling was in Pei County, Jiangsu.
[71] Dang was in Yongcheng, Henan.
[72] Xiao is still called Xiao, and is in Anhui.
[73] Xiang was in Pei County, Jiangsu.
[74] The Si River still has the same name.
[75] According to the commentaries 於 here is superfluous.
[76] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[77] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, and even regarding whether or not the characters 一舉眾 are superfluous.
[78] Reading 以臨 for 臨以, per the commentaries.
[79] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[80] Mount Hua, in modern Shaanxi.
[81] The Ordos Loop is the segment of the Yellow River closest to Qin's eastern border.
[82] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[83] Reading 十萬戍 for 十成, per the commentaries.
[84] Liang was an alternative name for the Wei family, as for the state.
[85] Xu is now Xuchang in Henan.
[86] Yanling is still called Yanling, and is in Henan.
[87] Shangcai still exists, and goes by the same name. It is in Henan.
[88] Shaoling still has the same name, and is Henan. The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[89] The Hangu Pass in modern Shaanxi marked the border of Qin. The implication is that an alliance with Chu will double Qin's strength.
[90] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, this interpretation follows modern translations.
[91] Reading 東海 as in some commentaries. The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence.
[92] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
或為六國說秦王
Persuading the King of Qin on Behalf of the Six States
或為六國說秦王曰：「土廣不足以為安，人眾不足以為強。若土廣者安，人眾者強，則桀、紂之後將存。昔者，趙氏亦嘗強矣。曰趙強何若？舉左案齊，舉右案魏，厭案萬乘之國，二國，千乘之宋也。築剛平，衛無東野，芻牧薪采莫敢闚東門。當是時，衛危於累卵，天下之士相從謀曰：『吾將還其委質，而朝於邯鄲之君乎！』於是天下有稱伐邯鄲者，莫不令朝行。魏伐邯鄲，因退為逢澤之遇，乘夏車，稱夏王，朝為天子，天下皆從。齊太公聞之，舉兵伐魏，壤地兩分，國家大危。梁王身抱質執璧，請為陳侯臣，天下乃釋梁。郢威王聞之，寢不寐，食不飽，帥天下百姓，以與申縛遇於泗水之上，而大敗申縛。趙人聞之至枝桑，燕人聞之至格道。格道不通，平際絕。齊戰敗不勝，謀則不得，使陳毛釋劍掫，委南聽罪，西說趙，北說燕，內喻其百姓，而天下乃齊釋。於是夫積薄而為厚，聚少而為多，以同言郢威王於側紂之間。臣豈以郢威王為政衰謀亂以至於此哉？郢為強，臨天下諸侯，故天下樂伐之也！」
A representative of the Six States[1] exercised his persuasions on the King of Qin[2], saying: "Having extensive territories is not enough to ensure one's tranquility; having many people is not enough to make one strong. If having extensive territories was enough to ensure one's tranquility, and having many people was enough to make one strong, then the descendants of Jie[3] and Zhou[4] would still be here. The House of Zhao was once strong. Why do I say that they were strong[5]? On its left it pacified Qi, on its right it pacified Wei[6], being sufficient to suppress two states of ten thousand chariots, as well as the thousand-chariot state of Song. It built Gangping[7], leaving Wey with no open land to the East: those seeking to pasture cattle and collect firewood did not dare peer through the Eastern gates. The situation at the time was such that Wey was walking on eggshells, and the officials and chancellors of All-Under-Heaven came together to plot, with one saying, 'Must I resign the commissions and resources I have taken elsewhere, and go to pay respects in the court of the Lord of Handan[8]?' As a result of this, there were some in All-under-Heaven who called for an attack on Handan. The order was given that that evening and carried out at dawn[9]. The King of Wei[10] attacked Handan, then took advantage of the situation to withdraw for a meeting at Fengze[11]. He rode in a Xia-style chariot and called himself the King of Xia[12], holding court as the Son of Heaven[13], with All-Under-Heaven as his entourage. The Grand Duke of Qi[14] heard of this and raised troops to attack Wei, splitting Wei's land in two and putting the state in danger[15]. The King of Liang[16] was forced to flee with his arms full of cash and beg to serve the Lord of Chen[17] in return for his protection. Accordingly, All-Under-Heaven released its pressure on Liang. When King Wei[18] heard about this in Ying[19], he could not sleep when he lay down to rest nor relish his food. He mobilised the hundred clans of All-Under-Heaven against Shen Fu[20], their armies meeting on the banks of the Si River[21], leading to a great defeat for Shen Fu. The people of Zhao heard of this and moved against Zhisang[22]. The people of Yan heard of it and moved to block the roads. With the roads blocked and travel halted[23], Pingcai[24] was cut off. Qi fought but was defeated and could not prevail, it schemed but could not obtain its ends. Finally it sent Chen Mao[25] to surrender his arms[26] in the South[27] and confess Qi's transgressions. At the same time, it employed its persuasions on Zhao in the West and Yan in the North, and on its own populace within its borders. Accordingly All-Under-Heaven released its pressure on Qi. Thus, the sparse resources of All-Under-Heaven[27] were brought together[27], and its small assemblies grew large[28]. All said with one voice that King Wei in Ying was akin to Zhou[29]. How could I say that this was the result of King Wei's weak policies and disordered strategies? Ying became strong enough to move against the sovereign lords of All-Under-Heaven; that is why All-Under-Heaven delighted in attacking him."
[1] Han, Wei, Zhao, Yan, Chu and Qi.
[2] King Zheng of Qin (247-210 BCE) would later conquer the other states and rule the empire under the name of Qin Shihuang.
[3] King Jie of Xia (1728–1675 BCE) was the tyrannical last sovereign of the Xia Dynasty.
[4] King Zhou of Shang (1075–1046 BCE) was the tyrannical last sovereign of the Shang Dynasty.
[5] Reading 若何 for 何若, per the commentaries. Modern translations disagree regarding the meaning of this section, and some simply ignore it.
[6] From Zhao's perspective, facing south. Left refers to the East and right to the West.
[7] Gangping was near modern Neihuang in Henan. It was only a few miles from the Wey capital.
[8] Handan is in Hebei. At the time it was the capital of Zhao.
[9] Reading 暮夕令朝行 for 莫不令朝行, per the commentaries.
[10] Interpreting 魏 to refer specifically to the King of Wei, a common usage at the time.
[11] Fengze was on the outskirts of Shangqiu, the capital of Song. Having the ability to summon the leaders of other states to a conference was a marker of Hegemon status. The implication is that the King of Wei is trying to parlay a simple operational matter into proof of his superior status.
[12] The Xia were the first Chinese dynasty, whose heir the King of Wei is claiming to be.
[11] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[12] There was no Grand Duke of Qi at the time. The commentaries suggest that this may be a reference to King Xuan of Qi (319–300 BCE).
[13] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[14] King Hui of Wei (344-319 BCE) succeeded Marquis Wu following a violent succession conflict during which Wei was almost conquered by Han and Zhao. He conducted several discussions with Mencius and exchanged territory with Han, making his state easier to defend.
[15] By this point Chen had already lost its independence and become a vassal of Qi, meaning that the Lord of Chen would have been the King of Qi.
[16] King Wei of Chu (339–329 BCE) enjoyed a quiet reign.
[17] Ying was in modern Jingzhou, Henan. At the time it was the capital of Chu.
[18] Shen Fu was a Qi general.
[19] The Si River is in modern Shandong.
[20] It is not clear where this was.
[21] This sentence is not entirely clear. 格道 may have been a specific road or even a village or town.
[22] The commentaries disagree regarding this sentence and it is not clear where Pingcai was, or even whether this is the correct name.
[23] It is not clear who this was.
[24] The commentaries disagree regarding the precise reading of this sentence, but the general sense is clear.
[25] In Chu.
[26] Reading 天下 for 夫, per the commentaries.
[27] According to the commentaries 為 here is superfluous.
[28] According to the commentaries 為 here is superfluous.
[29] This sentence is garbled and many translations ignore it. This is a best-guess attempt at translation. This may be a reference to King Zhou of Shang, mentioned above.